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One-man Mercenary Army

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He would later take part in conflicts in Yemen, Benin, Gabon and Angola, among others. The Katanga rebellion failed and Denard fled.

In late , the mercenary reappeared in Congo, this time fighting on the side of strongman Mobutu Sese Seko, a one-time opponent of the Katanga regime.

Mobutu consolidated power and declared himself president in November. Denard was shot in the head and lay paralyzed for two days, as a woman, later to be his first wife, tended his wound with ice and herbs.

Denard walked with a limp for the rest of his life. But the thenyear-old Frenchman was not done fighting. He returned to Congo for one more ultimately failed coup attempt before drifting into other African wars.

Families of victims of the attack filed suit in France and Benin. In France, Denard was sentenced to five years in prison.

In Benin, he was given the death penalty. But by then Denard was far beyond the reach of either court.

He was on a boat, armed to the teeth at the head of a mercenary army, bound for the Indian Ocean island nation of the Comoros in the opening move of what would become a private war lasting nearly 20 years.

A certain class of warrior deliberately obscured their origins, intentions and methods. They fought not for nation or state, but for money.

They were mercenaries. The Comorans are poor people in a poor land. They hunt, they fish, they grow vanilla for export. The islands were French until July Ahmed Abdallah, then 56 and the founder of his own political party, became the first president of the newly independent nation.

But not for long. In August he was overthrown. And so began one of the most bizarre, and grotesque, political successions in modern history.

He found his reputation, and demand for his lethal services, waning. There Denard equipped some overeager Comoran youths with unloaded weapons and sent them racing across the island in a show of force.

There was one fatality: a young relative of Soilih who was decapitated by a machete-wielding guard.

Denard and his mercenaries flew to a neighboring island and laid siege to Abdallah in his villa. The president surrendered.

Soilih handed him a passport and a million dollars and made him swear to never re-enter politics. Abdallah left for Paris. He was a terrible leader.

His drug and alcohol abuse, and his tendency to look to his witchdoctor for strategic guidance, compounded his policy failures.

Soon the treasury was empty, and the country was growing hungry. When the witchdoctor told Soilih he would be killed by a white man with a black dog, the increasingly mad president sent men to kill all the dogs on the island—an obviously fruitless task.

Abdallah allied with two wealthy Comoran businessmen. Together they came up with a surprising plan. They would hire the man who had overthrown Abdallah two years ago to restore the former president to power.

The old mercenary was a desperate man. His attempted coup in Benin the year before had left him with a bullet in his skull and prison and death sentences in France and Benin.

They fought not for nation or state, but for money. They were mercenaries. The Comorans are poor people in a poor land.

They hunt, they fish, they grow vanilla for export. The islands were French until July Ahmed Abdallah, then 56 and the founder of his own political party, became the first president of the newly independent nation.

But not for long. In August he was overthrown. And so began one of the most bizarre, and grotesque, political successions in modern history. He found his reputation, and demand for his lethal services, waning.

There Denard equipped some overeager Comoran youths with unloaded weapons and sent them racing across the island in a show of force.

There was one fatality: a young relative of Soilih who was decapitated by a machete-wielding guard. Denard and his mercenaries flew to a neighboring island and laid siege to Abdallah in his villa.

The president surrendered. Soilih handed him a passport and a million dollars and made him swear to never re-enter politics. Abdallah left for Paris.

Soilih held on for two years, himself surviving no fewer than four attempted coups. He was a terrible leader. His drug and alcohol abuse, and his tendency to look to his witchdoctor for strategic guidance, compounded his policy failures.

Soon the treasury was empty, and the country was growing hungry. When the witchdoctor told Soilih he would be killed by a white man with a black dog, the increasingly mad president sent men to kill all the dogs on the island—an obviously fruitless task.

Abdallah allied with two wealthy Comoran businessmen. Together they came up with a surprising plan.

They would hire the man who had overthrown Abdallah two years ago to restore the former president to power. The old mercenary was a desperate man.

His attempted coup in Benin the year before had left him with a bullet in his skull and prison and death sentences in France and Benin.

They sailed from France in March. On May 13, , they slipped ashore wearing black uniforms, prophetic dog in tow. Killing four guards and cops en route to the presidential palace, they found Soilih drunk in bed with two young girls.

Abdallah resumed his interrupted presidency. And Denard reaped the rewards. Installed as chief of the strong presidential guard—in effect, the military of the Comoros, equipped with machine gun—armed jeeps—Denard was widely considered the real power in the Comoros.

He recruited friends and fellow Europeans as guard officers. He married a hotel receptionist, his sixth wife, and had eight children. He converted to Islam.

Or claimed to, at least. Denard also claimed to have the support of the French government, which had been keen to retain some influence over its former colonies.

But if that claim was true, Paris never publicly confirmed it. The Frenchman had, after all, helped overthrow rulers in Nigeria, Angola and Yemen.

After 11 years of unofficial joint rule, in there were rumors Abdallah planned to replace Denard as chief of the guard.

The timing seemed right. All over the world, old alliances were weakening. The poor nations of the world were throwing off the chains of superpower conflict, ejecting its agents and realigning their interests.

Newspaper accounts, what few there were, varied wildly. The scant press actually paying some attention assumed Denard or his men killed Abdallah.

Everyday Comorans believed it, too. Abdallah was hit by accident. Denard said he shot back and killed the assailant. That time, French troops swooped in to restore order.

The truth concerning that bloody November night died with him. The same year that Denard died, one of his former lieutenants, a man who had served under the self-styled warlord as an officer in the Comoros presidential guard in , flew to Mogadishu, where he was to fulfill the destiny denied Denard.

Richard Rouget, a. Rouget fought for his own personal gain. But America was happy to benefit. In the late s there was a seismic shift in the way governments waged war in Africa and across the globe.

Men like Denard but perhaps a little less theatrical—many of them South Africans—took the next logical step. They found willing customers in governments and international organizations increasingly unwilling to, or incapable of, waging war alone—inhibitions that only deepened following the Somalia bloodletting.

Singer wrote in Corporate Warriors. It is outsourcing and privatization of a 21st-century variety, and it changes many of the old rules of international politics and warfare.

In former South African commando Eeben Barlow, a lanky, hook-nosed man with one blue eye and one green one, founded Executive Outcomes, a U.

Barlow was in his mids at the time. Barlow quickly assembled a strike team of 50 of his old Special Forces colleagues. With Angolan helicopters flying top cover and two chartered Cessnas shuttling in supplies, the Executive Outcomes strikers assaulted Soyo.

In a week of hard fighting, the mercenaries liberated the facility. The Angolan government was impressed. In June they offered Barlow an even more lucrative contract to train up an entire army brigade to fight the rebels.

For this task Barlow recruited former South African commandos and chartered a small air force, including jets. The Angolan brigade was a front for a mercenary army.

Two Executive Outcomes aircraft were shot down and several employees killed.

He returned to Congo for one more ultimately failed coup attempt before drifting into other African wars.

Families of victims of the attack filed suit in France and Benin. In France, Denard was sentenced to five years in prison. In Benin, he was given the death penalty.

But by then Denard was far beyond the reach of either court. He was on a boat, armed to the teeth at the head of a mercenary army, bound for the Indian Ocean island nation of the Comoros in the opening move of what would become a private war lasting nearly 20 years.

A certain class of warrior deliberately obscured their origins, intentions and methods. They fought not for nation or state, but for money.

They were mercenaries. The Comorans are poor people in a poor land. They hunt, they fish, they grow vanilla for export. The islands were French until July Ahmed Abdallah, then 56 and the founder of his own political party, became the first president of the newly independent nation.

But not for long. In August he was overthrown. And so began one of the most bizarre, and grotesque, political successions in modern history.

He found his reputation, and demand for his lethal services, waning. There Denard equipped some overeager Comoran youths with unloaded weapons and sent them racing across the island in a show of force.

There was one fatality: a young relative of Soilih who was decapitated by a machete-wielding guard. Denard and his mercenaries flew to a neighboring island and laid siege to Abdallah in his villa.

The president surrendered. Soilih handed him a passport and a million dollars and made him swear to never re-enter politics.

Abdallah left for Paris. He was a terrible leader. His drug and alcohol abuse, and his tendency to look to his witchdoctor for strategic guidance, compounded his policy failures.

Soon the treasury was empty, and the country was growing hungry. When the witchdoctor told Soilih he would be killed by a white man with a black dog, the increasingly mad president sent men to kill all the dogs on the island—an obviously fruitless task.

Abdallah allied with two wealthy Comoran businessmen. Together they came up with a surprising plan. They would hire the man who had overthrown Abdallah two years ago to restore the former president to power.

The old mercenary was a desperate man. His attempted coup in Benin the year before had left him with a bullet in his skull and prison and death sentences in France and Benin.

They sailed from France in March. On May 13, , they slipped ashore wearing black uniforms, prophetic dog in tow.

Killing four guards and cops en route to the presidential palace, they found Soilih drunk in bed with two young girls. Abdallah resumed his interrupted presidency.

And Denard reaped the rewards. Installed as chief of the strong presidential guard—in effect, the military of the Comoros, equipped with machine gun—armed jeeps—Denard was widely considered the real power in the Comoros.

He recruited friends and fellow Europeans as guard officers. Abdallah was hit by accident. Denard said he shot back and killed the assailant.

That time, French troops swooped in to restore order. The truth concerning that bloody November night died with him.

The same year that Denard died, one of his former lieutenants, a man who had served under the self-styled warlord as an officer in the Comoros presidential guard in , flew to Mogadishu, where he was to fulfill the destiny denied Denard.

Richard Rouget, a. Rouget fought for his own personal gain. But America was happy to benefit. In the late s there was a seismic shift in the way governments waged war in Africa and across the globe.

Men like Denard but perhaps a little less theatrical—many of them South Africans—took the next logical step. They found willing customers in governments and international organizations increasingly unwilling to, or incapable of, waging war alone—inhibitions that only deepened following the Somalia bloodletting.

Singer wrote in Corporate Warriors. It is outsourcing and privatization of a 21st-century variety, and it changes many of the old rules of international politics and warfare.

In former South African commando Eeben Barlow, a lanky, hook-nosed man with one blue eye and one green one, founded Executive Outcomes, a U.

Barlow was in his mids at the time. Barlow quickly assembled a strike team of 50 of his old Special Forces colleagues. With Angolan helicopters flying top cover and two chartered Cessnas shuttling in supplies, the Executive Outcomes strikers assaulted Soyo.

In a week of hard fighting, the mercenaries liberated the facility. The Angolan government was impressed. In June they offered Barlow an even more lucrative contract to train up an entire army brigade to fight the rebels.

For this task Barlow recruited former South African commandos and chartered a small air force, including jets.

The Angolan brigade was a front for a mercenary army. Two Executive Outcomes aircraft were shot down and several employees killed. The battered rebels sued for peace and in January Barlow pulled his men out of Angola.

They were not idle for long. A year later the rebels sued for peace. Riding high, Executive Outcomes alongside another security firm began negotiations with Mobutu Sese Seko, the dictator of the Congo facing a determined rebellion led by Laurent Kabila.

But Kabila failed to pay up, and so Executive Outcomes abandoned Congo, leaving Kabila and his ragtag army to fight on alone.

Nowhere were they thicker than in South Africa. The government in Cape Town moved to regulate the merc companies, and in Executive Outcomes folded.

Its chief officers went to work for other PMCs or founded companies of their own. Rykaart joined NFD, a security company with strong ties to Executive Outcomes and which was allegedly helping the Sudanese government in its battle with U.

In , while working in Somalia for yet another security company, he was killed when the plane he was riding in crashed shortly after takeoff.

Among its roughly two- dozen mercenaries was Richard Rouget, former lieutenant of Bob Denard in the Comoros.

If the bush wars of the s sparked the explosive spread of private security companies, then the U. S-led invasion and subsequent eight-year occupation of Iraq starting in was fuel poured directly on the fire.

In just the first 18 months of the war, the U. The governments of Iraq and various U. In July the Government Accountability Office estimated there were at least 60 major security companies operating in Iraq with 25, employees.

In those first two years of the war, no fewer than contractors died in combat. It was apparent that the Pentagon could no longer—or would no longer—fulfill its national security responsibilities without the assistance of mercenaries.

That raised some profound questions,. Not the least of which: accountability. On Sept. The mercenaries later claimed they had come under attack, but the U.

Army found no evidence of insurgent fire. The Iraqi government protested. In the U. At least one of the shooters got off on a technicality.

Another pleaded guilty to manslaughter and agreed to cooperate with investigators. As of late four cases were still open, with the defendants facing manslaughter and weapons charges.

Blackwater was barred from Iraq but held onto its State Department contract. The company changed its name twice in an attempt to distance itself from the killings.

Nor did the killings and the subsequent legal cases necessarily resolve the confusion over accountability. But the business itself survived and even thrived, as did other companies like it.

But that was the point. The more the Pentagon relied on hired guns, the greater the distance between the government and the conduct and consequences of the wars it waged.

In , shortly after graduating from Princeton, he used a portion of that fortune to found, in Virginia, a non-profit organization called Landmine Clearance International.

After 17 years of war, those Somali bureaucrats who had survived were a hard and dangerous bunch. There were negotiations, mountains of paperwork, and not a few bribes to be proffered.

To staff its Somalia ops, Bancroft recruited two dozen veteran mercenaries—a mix of Europeans and South Africans. One of them was Richard Rouget, formerly of the Comoran presidential guard.

After a stint organizing safaris, Rouget had returned to the gun-for-hire business. In , a South African court convicted him of illegally recruiting mercenaries to fight in the West African nation of Ivory Coast.

But Rouget was evidently broke. He reportedly borrowed some money from a friend and raised some more leading a safari to Mozambique.

Clearly badly in need of cash, in or , it seems, Rouget signed on with Bancroft and flew to Mogadishu. He was assigned to teach Ugandan troops, long experienced in forest fighting, how to do battle door to door, building to building.

Though unarmed, Rouget routinely accompanied his trainees into the dust and clamor of urban fighting.

One-man Mercenary Army

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